
.1 

M Is-i 



pH8^ 



E 458 
.1 

.M157 
Copy 1 -^r\. 



THANKS-GIVING SERMON, 



r> JL 3): :<: % 



AV.aLEX'iilOlCELVEY, 



jpa.stoi:1 of 



FIRST RiFORMEl) DUTCH CHURCH, 



i*«,toi*soxx, i>ar- J- 



PUBLISHED BY THE CONST 



» 



4« 

• 



PATEIU^B / 

DR^BRCE, 123 MAIN' STREET. ' 



A. MEAD, PRINTER, REGISTER^BtICE, 123 MAIN STREET 
18 6 1 



,/ 



Paterson, Dec. 4, 1861, 
Rev. Alkx'r. McKelvey, 

Dear Sir: — A very general desire having been expressed for a more inti- 
mate acquaintance with your discourse, delivered on the day of Thauksgiving, 
Nov. 28th, on Political Culture, the Consistory take the liberty of requesting 
its publication. 

They are persuaded, that its circulation Avould be instrumental of good in 
tliis day of national calamity, and believe that this is the time when its doc- 
trines should be understood and practiced. 

By order of Consistory of First RePd. Dutch Church, Paterson, N. J. 

D. MILLAR, Secretary. 

Paterson, Dec. 5, 1861. 
Consistory of First Ref'p. Dutch Chirch, Paterson, 

Dear Brethren : — Although the sermon which you ask for publication 
was designed only for those who heard it, I freely yield to your request. 

That it may accomplish that which you please, and prosper in the thing 
whereto you send it, since allusions to certain acts and individuals, historical- 
ly connected with the last administration, may give it a party aspect, I would 
say, that, as a patriotic citizen, mv design is to stand on a purely national ba- 
sis; and to have no reference to parties, as parties. 

Hoping that I may not be misunderstood, and that historical fiicts and allu- 
sions may not be mistaken for partisan reflections, 

I am your servant for Christ's sake. 

ALEX'R. McKELVEY. 



SEEMON. 



Deut. IV: 1. "Xow therefore hearken, O Israel, unto the 
statutes and unto the judgements, Avhich I teach you, for to do 
them, tliat ye may live and go in and possess the land, which 
the Lord God of your fathers giveth unto you." 

In these times of national trial, to those who are prone to 
look on the dark side of the picture, a day for thanksgiving 
may seem a strange appointment. Perhaps some may think 
it more meet, that we, until the apparent calamity passes by, 
elothe ourselves in sack-cloth and ashes. 

We freely confess, that we are not of that number. We 
heartily rejoiced at the "proclamation" of our worthj'jgovern- 
or. In the midst of well deserved wrath, God has remember- 
ed us in great mercy. "He hath not dealt with lis after our 
sins ; nor rewarded us according to our iniquities." 

Looking at the darkest side of our unhappy condition, in 
our great national affliction, we see abundant cause for thanks- 
giving. Over our national sins, which have provoked the 
chastisements of eternal love, we should deeply mourn ; but 
should we not rejoice, also, that our heavenly Father has 
thought us worthy to suffer? How much more direful the ca- 
lamity, had God let us alone in our sins, and suffered us to 
work out our own ruin ! 

In our present troubles, we have, likewise, a cause for thanks- 
givmg, in the national riders which God has given us. What 
would have been our condition, had he given us national lead- 
ers, who, if not united in treason, were unaccountably power- 
less? What would have been our condition, liad he given us 
leaders, in whose moral integrity few had confidence ; and for 
whom scarcely any, but their colleagues in crime, preserved 
any cherished remembrances ? 



Instead of such, we seem to have virtuous, patriotic, coura- 
geous and prudent men at the hehn of state. Through their 
wise and far reaching poUcy, guided by the divine Providence, 
they waited for the proper time, and the propitious circum- 
stances to awake the donnant patriotism of an overindul- 
gent and credulous people ; and the7i struck that master-blow, 
which astonished the enemies of our government, converted 
thousands in a day, and welded and cemented a hitherto dis- 
cordant people. Immediately, the crimiblhig of party difteren- 
ces, the snapping of those deceptive ties which had leagued ma- 
ny hearts with a destructive treason, the marshalling of trooi)s, 
the clang of arms, and the speedy rush of armies, all said — 
what should have been said months before — " The Union muxt 
and shall he preserved^ In the language of another, "And 
now we began to hear the thunder of great armies on the 
inarch. * * * Wherever the banner of freedom waved, 
there were her sons in arms. One rallying cry was in every 
mouth, 'The city of Washington, the heart of the nation is in 
peril, and must be defended.' One spirit animated all hearts. 
[t was the sentiment of loyalty ; it was the sacred tire of patri- 
c>tism ; it was the instinct of a common nationality, now threat- 
ened with destruction." 

Brethren, whence this union of feeling, and concert of ac- 
tion ? Was not God there who turneth the hearts of kings, as 
the rivers of water are turned ? For this should we not re- 
turn thanks ? 

Since then, have we not been the recipients of many nation- 
al blessings ? Reverses have been overruled to our real pro- 
fit ; and gradually, where hope had almost vanished, step by 
step, law, order and liberty have been gaining the acsenden- 
cy. The most eloquent hopes of reasonable men have been 
more than realized ; and when, from a storm of almost terrific 
power, our noble fleet emerged almost in safety, and planted 
the flag we love on the hot-beds of traitordom, did not every 
pious heart own the hand of God and say : "The Lord hath 
done great things for us, whereof we are glad ?" 

But scarcely had these notes died away, Avhen news of great- 
er importance, if possible, rendered November 1861, a time to 
be remembered. And now, instead of being pained with the 
misrepresentations of two arch-rebels in the metropolises of 
England and France, Ave can almost hear the waihngs of in- 
carcerated disappointment. Mason and Slidell were "on "the 
high seas;" but now they are — in London and Paris, solving 
the seeds of international difficulties? — no. but in Fort War- 



i^.11. co«ii«(in '■^'contrabands of war,^' roapmg some of llic first 
fruits of perjury and treason. 

Lo<»k, likewise, how jK'culiArly God has watched over the 
physical health -of the nation. No destructive cj)ideniies linvc 
visited our c«>asts, or dociniat^'d our annies in their vSouthern 
homes. Few suninters have been so tree t'noni sieknessos, as 
that thrwii^h which wc hav<" passed. 

Again, we aix? at peace with fbixMLju po\\~ers ; and, rvt home, 
there is a degree of jtrosperity, whirh, uTider ^^xisting circuiu- 
stances, could scarcely have been expected. 

For all these, and many other blessings, to sx)me of wliich 
we may again allude, nationally, we should praise (iod. 

Hut, since gratitude should accompany praise, ought we iiot> 
^tlso, as citizens of a great nation, to en<leavor, in a national ca- 
pacity, to render unto God the devotion of our lives'-' Grati- 
tude and self-interest enjoin this. That thanksgiving, which 
proceeds from tlie lips only, may Im? full of emptiness. In the 
spirit of our text, would 'Se live, and possess the land Avhich 
the Lord God of your fatliers giveth you," you must hearken 
unto the statutes and judgements, which he teaches you. — - 
Since we, as a people, do not seem, hitherto, to have heark- 
ened, in our otferings of praisi^s and gratitude today, it would 
seem becoming, that we ask ourselves, how can we, as a na- 
tion and as indivicbu^ls, prepaid ourselves to hearken unto, 
and obey, God's statutes and judgements? 

Therefore, as preparatory to this end — a higher and purer 
state of national devotion — we have thought, that it would be 
acceptable to God and proiitable to ourselves, in coniunctiou 
with our thanksgivings, to ofter a few general remarKs on A 
True PoUHcal Education. This is the subject, to which we 
now invite attention. 

Politics, \n brief, thougli comprehensive language, is ''the 
science of government." For an intelligent devotion, to a self- 
governing people, some considerable knowledge of this sci- 
ence, and its application to our national wants, must seem of 
vital importance. 

I. Let us, first, look at the character of a True Political Ed- 
ucation; or that which will develope the faculties of self-gov- 
ernment. 

It will appear evident, that it does not necessitate the ac- 
quirement of all kinds of knowledge. If the practical conclu- 
sions, which guide the life, are under the direction of an uji- 
right heart and conscience, doubtless, the more extended and 



6 

definite (Mir ideas of persons and tliino-s, the more intelligent 
:ui(l profitable will l)e our political life. But Ave Avould not 
be so visionary as to sujipose, that each citizen, to exercise his 
riohts intelligently, must be a jM-ofound scholar; that he must 
he thoroughly versed in ancient and modern classics; bean 
acute ]»hilosopher, an accurate mathematician, or a far seeing 
astronomer. All these, in their i)lace, are well ; but without 
them, a man may be a worthy and intelligent citizen. How 
many, of very limited opj^ortmiities, have acted noble parts, 
and been useful and honorable to their country ! 

But wa would guard against the opposite extreme, that a 
true ]>olitical trainhig, generally, may be obtained by selfcul- 
tui-e. There are instances, where self-educated men, as in oth- 
er relations, have deservedly occupied high stations in politcal 
life. But these are the excej)tions. They, like'the sturdy 
monarch of the woods, which, despite the burdening rahis, the 
cold frosts and the sweeping hurricanes, fights it way heaven- 
ward, while the timid, weakly vhie nuist receive a helping 
hand to lead it upward, despite the selfish workings of their 
own hearts and the political u])turnings of mad ambition, have 
l)uilt up for themselves, without a previous ground-work, a 
vii-tuous ]»olitical life, while young men, generally, must have 
a helm and compass to guide them through the political world. 

Still further, while we believe, that, to be good citizens, we 
must, generally, be well trained in the first principles of citi- 
zenship ; yet a true political education does not teach us to 
walk in the stocks, to take our fathers as a kind of federal 
re))resentatives to "the third and fourth generation," to be 
slaves to any party or prejudice, so that, if one party says, 
"Shibboleth," for tribal distinction, we must certainly say 
"Sibboleth." 

Since "governments are ordained of God," a true political 
education is not that which teaches us, like a vine, to go to 
this, or that side for sup})ort; but which teaches us to grow 
right up from the root of a well grounded moral principle. 
For this, looking to God as the Governor of the nations and 
the sujjreme Ruler of our own free and beloved Republic, the 
Henry Clay principle — "I Avould rather be right than Presi- 
dent" — is the foundation stone. Leading us to this, our an- 
nual thanksgiving is an important link in the chain of true po- 
litical culture. An atheist, in keephig thanksgiving, proves 
himself worse than a fool- He has nothing to thank, nothing 
to })raise ! But in it, we, as a (-hristian nation, acknoAvledge, 
that there is a God, and a ^Mediator, between a holy God and 



sinful man, ns tlie uvoniu' ofbk'ssinjj^s; jind that, '*Tlnis iar tlic 
Lord Iiatli k'd lis on." All political culture, which dose not 
lead our thouijfhts to (iod, as our orcat IJulcr and ever watch- 
ful J iiduc, lacks the most important element; and robs our 
lives of their imchanyoable responsibilities. Sensible of an ov- 
orrulinti: Providence, the ''■Piliirim Fathers," leavino- home 
and kindred, looked to an ever liviiiLC <'od ami I'rotector; and 
oil that iced)ound PlyuKtuth rock, the fii-sf Hay-, which Hutter- 
t'd in the breezes, was the gracefully curlinti- volume of grate- 
ful prayer and praise. So far as their authority and influence 
reached, they, too, laid the constitution of their colonial u'ov- 
ernment deep, deep in the tear of (iod; and, as an index t)fthc 
character of that national culture, which they deemed most 
necessary, the church and the school-house s))run<; up toiiclh- 
er. This is an important part of political education, to be 
taught, that God rules, and has the right to veto, and the 
power to overrule, all political actions. 

But we must come a little closer to the indiA idual man. A 
consciousness, that we are ]>ersonably responsible to God for 
every political act, is another important attainment to be 
sought after. The cultivation of a true ]»olitieal conscience is 
of vast moment. Unless they are out of the range of intellig- 
ent action, and men should act as though they Avere automatons 
having some great leader or class of leaders as the main-s])ring. 
in politics, as in other matters, we arc accountable to (iod for 
every thouglit, word and deed. In the great, and in the small, 
we are accountable to "the Judge of all the earth" for the vote 
which we cast, and the direct, or indirect iniluence which w c 
exert, to exalt anyone to office. 

Having dwelt, at some length, on the character of true po- 
litical culture, in its relations and responsibilities to God, let 
us next view^ it, more particularly, as related to the wants of 
our country. Here our space will permit us to deal only in 
generalities, and will contine us to those aspects which arc 
more intimately related to our present circumstances. 

The tirst genei'al idea, which we advance, is, that eveiy citi- 
zen should have, or should be taught to have, some adequate 
notion of what a nation and a cfovermnent are. Of thes(\ in 
the savage state, there are no proper ideas. Disintegration — 
or the separation of races and geographical unities into fami- 
lies, or small bands and tribes — is the process of a selfish state 
of darkness. Convenient and natural unions, into one grand 
whole, are the tendencies of a Christian civilization. The his- 
torvofthe world is an abundant confirmation of this idea. 



VVfien the Lord wouM educate a people for himself, he consol 
iifatf,^ them. He called one family from the isolated families 
of the earth, aiid then sntfered them tO' develope in nominally 
indej^eiident tribes having a real union. But when the time 
came, that he would separate thera into a *^cnliar people," he 
formally united tbem under on^ leader. 

The progress of the Christian church, mid ''evangelical alli- 
ances" illustrate the same principle. At first, there seemed 
to he almost perfect isolation among the spiritual hosts of the 
Lord. But m late years, there has been a visible coming to- 
gether. Spiritually, if ntrt ecclesiastically, the church of Je- 
sus Christ is progressing toward a perfeet union, when all 
shall be united under one Head. 

The historical struggles of our own counti'y are illustrative 
of this same idea. The battles, which are now l>eing fought^ 
are only the repetition of what have gone before. On the one 
hand, there is the struggle to prove, that our nation is form- 
ed of petty, independent tribes ; on the other, there is the as- 
sertion of an experienced and Christsin civilization, that Ave 
are a ttnit. 

From this idea of the national oneness^ Avith which the 
true citizen should be imbued, arises another which Ave should 
endeavor to comprehend — viz : the tt'tie relations of the sev~ 
I ml parts to the ichole. From not considering, that all lan- 
guage is relative, Ave are often led into fatal errors. Thus 
the idea of liberty often dAvindles into political licentiousness ; 
and "state sovereignity" is exalted into absolute sell-gOA^em- 
nient. Whereas, a state is sovereign only in its »tate capaci- 
ty^ and so far as it does not conflict Avith the decrees of the 
national unity — the people of the United States, and not of 
any one State. In that consolidating article — the Constitu- 
tion of the United States — the individual states, as States, 
neither give, nor retain any state rights. The people of the 
irNiTED States retain certain national rights, and give other 
certain ones to the individual States. "The people of the 
Ignited States, by ordaining and establishing our present Con- 
stitution in conventions appointed by their primary assemblies, 
and clothed with their original and common soA-ereignty, did 
withdraw, and prohibit forever to their state governments, 
all tlie principals, rights and powers of sovereignty, and did 
vest them in a national organization, which they ordained 
should bear the purse, and wield the sword, and be supreme 
in all its legitimate functions over both individuals and states. 
This supreme government, proceeding from the united people, 



9 

acts immediately over all the individuals or persons over 
whom it extends, to exact allei;ianee, and, if need be, to en- 
force submission and obedience, indei)endently of, and even 
in opposition to, state intervention." — (Princ. Rev,, Oct. 1861.) 
Growing out of our national miity, and the subordinate re- 
lation of tlie se^■eral i)arts to the whole, are the duties of the 
citizen and of the official, relative to the nation and the State. 
From }>resent perplexities, amid sujtposed conflicts of duties, 
this would a]>[>ear to be an important point in true political 
knowledge, — what are my relative duties to the State and to 
the national government? It would seem un(piestionaV)le, 
that the higher, whicli supervises the Avhole, has the prior 
claim. These relations and duties may be illustrated by our 
bodies. In them "tliere are many members, but yet one bo- 
dy." They are all to act in unison, not for the distinct l)ene- 
fit of any one, but for the (/eneral good. The head is the rul- 
ing member, which gives life and ])ower to all the others, and 
they act under its control, and in obedience to its dictates. To 
this general statement, there is but one legitimate excei)tion. 
When the u^lll becomes so corrupt, that the general good of 
our members is unheeded, and the design of our creation per, 
verted ; then the refusal of our limbs, to move in the ways of 
sin and general destruction, l)ecomes la'wful. So of civil gov- 
ernment. When the national unit perverts its design, and 
<loes not act for the general good, then, after re])eated remon- 
strances, revolution may be righteous. But when, from self- 
interpreting facts and declarations, sectional interests— not 
the goodjof the whole nation — and, according to the utterances 
of Alex. Stephens, disappointed politicians seeking kingdoms, 
plunge a people into a professed revolution, the uprising is Sa- 
tanic treason and rebellion, and nationally destructive. Lan- 
guage, descriptive of it, would bear no distant reseml)lance to 
that which Milton puts in the mouth of the leader of the hosts 
of hell in their primeval rel)ellion against God. As the arch- 
rebel brooded over the miseries of their noAv infernal home, 
he adds : 

"Here at least 

We sliall be free : the Almighty hath not built 

Here for his envy, will not drive us hence ; 

Here Ave may reign secure, and, in my choice, 

To reign is Avorth ambition, though in hell ; 

Better to reign in hell, than serve in heaven." 

These three points, at which we have taken a slight glance, 
in true political culture, must, at this time, seem of great im- 



10 

portance ; what is the natxire of our governmeMt ; what are the, 
rdatioHs of the hidividual states to the whole ; and what are 
the relative duties^ which press iij)on every citizen f 

We have now taken a general view of the character of a 
true political education, in its relation to God and some of the 
wants of our country. 

II. Lot us, secondly, consider its Importance. "Except the 
Lord build the house, tliey labor in vain, that build it." His- 
tory, as well as scripture, teaches, that a nation, without the 
fear of God before the eyes of its citizens, cannot stand. Our 
own history teaches, that righteousness alone exalteth a na- 
tion ; while sin is a reproach to any people, and promotive of 
their ruin. 

Above all others, it is important, that American citizens 
should be God-reverencing and intelligent politicians ; that cx- 
ery man should be able to give a conscientious and, therefore, 
an intelligent reason for his ]>olitical actions. This is of im- 
mense practical importance. Were we under a desjxitic gov- 
ernment ; were jtolitical intelligence and a jiolitical conscience 
like some pieces of choice furniture, which may be looked at, 
but never used ; on all that makes man a man, were there 
written, "•hands oii';'' or were our boasted privileges nu-re 
ideals, then we might neglect that political training, which 
leads men to act in the fear of God. But as we are — a con- 
stitutional government of the people — moral ignorance and 
forgetfulness of our everlasting responsibilities are stains upon 
our nationality — ai'e suicidal. We are now reaping the sad 
fruits of our moral obliquity in politics, and of our forgetful- 
ness of our responsibility to God. In speaking of what gave 
rise to our present difficulties, the reviewer, some of whose 
language we have already quoted, having mentioned several, 
says : ''There was still another cause, without which all these 
would have been com|)aratively }>owerless. This was a pro- 
digious political corruption. Office and power had now come 
to be sought by the most coi rupt machinations, for purposes 
of plunder. The astonishing, exhaustless wealth of the coun- 
try enabled the swarms of officials to acquire vast riches, for 
which party oi-ganization was the hulispensible means. Hence 
it followed, that partisanship superseded patriotism ; corrupt 
adherence to party ties and interests took the place of loyalty 
to the government. The great political ])arties became fac- 
tions, aiul each came to stand to its partisans in place of the 
nation. The events of the past year, — but above all, that 
master stroke, the seizure of the telegraph, have revealed such 



11 

Sjrounds for the confidence of the South that there could be 
no forcible ojipositiou to their (k^sitriis — without which they 
t-ould not have taken tlie iirst step in rebclHon— as fully to ex- 
plain those 'l^ursts of lauu'hter' with which the Pi-esident's first 
call for troops was <);reeted in the Montt;;onierv convention." 
Ascertained facts have ))roved such to be the first fruits of 
partisanshi]). Such have been some of the fruits of a lack of 
conscience in politics. Citizens and rulers did not remember 
that (Tod reiyns in righteousness and judgement, and would 
justly bring upon them the fruits of their own doings. 

On the other hand, a true political culture Avould make each 
an individual, conscientious man. Hundreds and thousands 
would not lose their individuality, as moral freemen, and be- 
come slaves ro irresponsible jtarties. It wouKl lead each one 
to act under the solenm conviction, that, for all these things, 
God will call him into jutlgement. 

A true political education would, likewise, insure political 
■prof/ress. In the arts and sciences, in literature, in mechanical 
inventions, and in international improvements and external 
national })ower, we are adAancing. But, in anational capacity^ 
are we progressing internally 'i Has the onward march of 
three-tourths of a century left us better legislators, and more 
able and viituous rulers y Let tlie past and the jiresent an 
swer. Bring uj) from the dead those patriotic lieroes, who 
put their hands and their hearts to, and jdedged their lives 
and their sacred honors in defence of, the "Declaration of In- 
dependence" — our protoscript of freedom, which, like a mighty 
bell, awoke the energies of an incipient nation, struggling for 
existence, and tolled the death-knell of departing despotism. 

Come down further, in our history, and call up the framers 
of the Constitution — that potent main-spring, which then di- 
rected the movements of thirteen, and now ot^ — how many? — 
independent watchmen iipon the tower of freedom. Ask them 
of our political progression. 

We do not deny, that there may be now, and probably are, 
as good men and as virtuous citizens, as ever lived. But we 
ask, have sterling men been brought out into political life ? 
Are we progressing in politics? Are weadvancnig, national- 
ly, in the science of government ? To answer these questicms 
truthfully, from compared facts, let us take a practical glance 
at the historic struggles of this nation, since the promulgation 
of the declaration of independence. 

For twelve long and self-consuming years, the States labor- 
ed along, imder the principles of the old Confederacy. Tha 



12 

individual States claiming all the rights of indei:endent fover 
eignties, tlie Congress hecaine a mere advisary ])OAver. It 
might pass laws, but there A\as no nnity of bonds to insure 
obedience. The nominal rei)resentatiA'es of the, so-called, na- 
tional government might issue certain protectives to tlie na- 
tion, but, unless these suited the interests of the individual 
States, they were not deemed binding. Confederate debts 
might be incurred, bnt the several states considered repudia- 
tion, or payment, a matter of choice. Thns struggling for ex- 
istence, confederate treaties with foreign powers being violat- 
ed, the confidence of friends shaken, and the respect of other 
nations unobtainable, the Confedei-acy became, almost, a total 
wreck. "The sun of our national life and glory which, in the 
Declaration of Independence, had burst from the horrizon in 
full-oi'bed splendor, Avas already obscured by the ominous 
clouds of state sovereignty, and seemed about to set forever 
amid the nameless horrors of universal anarchy." However, 
necessity came to the rescue ; and, after many hard struggles, 
a more perfect union Avas formed, and a firm ??«^/o«(r^ govern- 
ment Avas established. 

Against the consummation of this great Avork, there Avas 
another obstacle, one Avhich bears upon the present time, and 
which Avas of more pOAver than that of "state sovereignty:" 
It Avas the territorial clahns of individual states, together Avith 
a feared predominence, Avhich such claims might give, over 
smaller states having a very limited territory. Necessity here, 
likewise, overcame opposition ; and those large states, Avhich 
OAvned, or laid claim to, extended territories, gave them over 
to the United States, Avith the express conditions, that they 
(the United States) should govern them, and, upon the accu- 
miilation of a certain ])Opulation, Avould organize them into 
states, having poAvers equal to those of the other states. 

Tlius, many minute obstacles, Avhich Ave need not men- 
tion, beingovercome, our nationality Avas established, our E 
pluribus Unum" Avas perfected, national authority became 
aupreme, and, until about 1812, Avhen she came to a temporary 
anchorage, the ship of state, encoimtering comparatively fcAv, 
snd only Acry local storms, rode nobly over the sea of time. 

With the difficulties betAveen England and France, our 
country became distantly associated; the general government, 
as a retaliatory act for the injuries inflicted on neutral poAvers, 
])roliibited all commercial and other intercourse Avith either 
nation ; great suffering foUoAved ; state sovereignty revived and 
he right of "secession" was loudly talked of. 



IS 

This passofl over, until, a little latiT, in tlie war with Eni>laii(l, 
tliesame rebellious ideas manifested themselves at the "Hart- 
ford Convention." 

As our sjxvoe will not ])ennit too many j^articulars, we shall 
omit the mention of minor ditficulties with other states, and 
sim|)lycall attention to the nullitication in South Carolina, where 
we aLjain see l)nl)])le uj) the muddy waters of the old ("onfeilei a 
cy. With thehistory of that atlair you are, doubtless, all familial-. 

We have made these brief allusions to certain facts in our his- 
tory, simply to show, that we are not progressing ))olitically ; 
that we are tighthio; the same battles agahist state soveregnty, 
for the upholding of a })erfeet unity, and for the national voice 
over the territories, uttere<l thi-ough our representatives, as we 
have fougld l)efore. Politically, are we not retrograding? 
Comi)are what was with what has V)een and is. That, which 
was, in times ]»ast, settled ])y mutual consultations, by wise 
counsellors aii<l legislators, and by civil authority, must noAV be 
udjusted by the sword. jVIoral obliquity has seemed to increase, 
and we have not grown in wisdom as well as stature. In the 
formation of the "more perfect union," Virginia stood by the 
side of New York. Where is she now ? Where is she, Avho, in 
the temporary excitement of some states previous to 1 SI 2, said: 
"It is treason to Secede ?" When the present rebellion, tlien 
bolstered by the same ]>rinciples of state sovereignty as those 
claimed by South Carolina in tlie days of Calhoun, broke out, 
wliere were tliere a Daniel Webster in the Senate, and a Jack- 
son at the executive head of our government ? Instead, treason 
Aaunted in the very capital. There the mighty thunderljolts, 
which hurled star after star from our united family, Avere con- 
structed. There traitors seemed to have no checks. Cons))i- 
i-ators against our government had, as we believe, split the 
party with which they ]iap])ened to stand connected, that it 
might l)e defeated ; and', remaining in the capital for the i)erfect- 
ingoftheir plans, and drawing pay from the ])ublic treasury, 
they sheltered their iiendish jilot, to dismember our nation, l)e- 
hind the pretext of a constitutional election, in the consununa- 
tion of which they had been eminently instrumental. In violation 
of their constitutional oaths, they drained the treasury, corrupt- 
ed the army, and scattered the navy to the four (piarters of the 
globe. The national power temporarily i)aralyzed, the "hue 
andcrie"ofa sectional admhiist ration credulously believed 1)y 
their constituents, the nation embroiled in ]»reconcerted ])arty 
strifes, many of which, we fear, have not yet died away, and the 
treasonable "sophistry, the unconstitutionality of "coercion,"— 



34 

sliowing that prejudice could attach much to a name— souudiui;: 
\n tlie ears of a too easily beguiled people and laying firm hold 
ot'a carefully cultivated party prejudice, the plot was complete, 
;uid all now necessary, was the promulgation of state ordinan- 
ces of secession. As ])art of the great plan, these, in succession, 
quii'kly followed. The sacred union was iirst violated by South 
Carolina; and state after state madly "phmged into the outer 
darkness of a hideous rebellion.'" What a reign of terror, and 
season of horror! How dreai'v those tedious months between 
November and the fourth of March ! Moral and physical dark- 
ness brooded over the natioii. We looked to Washingtoii for 
strength, but lo, the most abject effeminacy! With hopeful 
expectations, we waited for the authoritatiA'e utterances, that 
order must be restored and goverumex\tal authority respected 
and enforced. But thick darkness became darker still ! We 
looked for judgement, but there was none ; for salvation, but it 
was far from us. With a pusillanimity, if not worse, for Avhich 
a king would have lost his crown and his head with it, the Pres- 
ident of the United States wrote oiie of the darkest and most 
unmeaning sentences in our national history : "^'Tlie states have 
no right to secede, but nobody has any right to prevent them ! !" 
From the comparison of the present with the past which 
we have endeavored, candidly to institute, Ave think it almost 
self-evident, that we, nationally, if any distinction should be 
made, have not been ])rogressing either in politics, or morals. 
Even in relation to that "vexed question" which has been 
made the pretext for the present rebellion, we have seemed to 
be retrogradhig. The cloud of human bondage, which will 
never stand the brother-loving light of the millennial sun, has 
seemed to grow thicker and heavier. Relative to the negro 
and his ultimate freedom, in the 18th century, during the rev- 
olution, Alex. Hamilton writes : "The dictates of humanity 
and true policy equally interest me in favor of this unfortunate 
class of ("chattels," did he say ? no, but of) men." In the 
1 9th century, the fetters are fastened by a supposed "divine 
right !" Brethren, have we, in the truth telling light of histo- 
ry, been advancing? 

Now we believe, that a true political education — an educa- 
tion which aims to reach the heart and conscience, as well as 
the head — would insure pohtical progress. It Avould bring 
up the light of the past; and under the fear of God, it would 
promote the choice of virtuous and nationally intelligent men 
— men Avho M'ould not be imder the influence of selfish, party, 
or sectional prejudices ; who would not be making and break- 



15 

ni^ laws ami ooinprornises, and, for an ideal dvean), 1)lasting 
tilt' liopos of a nation ; wlio would not legislate, like too many 
of */// parties, for tlie interests of any o?ie district, any o//*' 
county, any one state, or any ov/c section of our hmd ; but who, 
like Ilim who loved a sinful vorUI^ and gave his Hon f<jr its 
redemption, wouM love and legislate for, the wltoh ronntnj^ 
Xorth and South, East ainl "West, as one undivided, mutual- 
ly iuteiested and inseparable yy^o/r. 

But is such a state attainable? W<' believe it is, and will 
now devote a few moments to this part of our subject. 

III. Let us, next and briefly, consider how a true politi<-al 
education may be obtained. 

First, by beginning at home, in the family. Here the ground 
work must be laid. Here subordination to "the pow<'rs that 
be" may be cultivated; a loving miity, as among brothers and 
sisters, and mutual and united claims and interests, may be 
exemplitied; and the absurdity <if individual niterestsand sov- 
ereignty illustrated. 

'•O Avonderous }>ower ! how little understiwd — 
Entrusted to the mother's mind alone. 
To fashion genius, form the mind for good. 
Inspire a West, or train a Washuigton." (Mrs. Hale.) 
Here we, generally, make sad failures. Too many children 
are taught to feel,'that, wlien they enter the world of active 
duties, self nnist l)e first, last and supreme. Years are spent 
in teaching to Ibllow mannnon, and bow gracefully and suc- 
cessfully before his altars ; for the minutes, that are spent in 
cultivating their souls, and teaching them to bow before the 
throne of love, grace and mercy. How many parents train 
their children, as though they were mere animal ])roducts, to 
live and enjoy here, and then <lie. But would we have virtu- 
ous and unselfish patriots, at the fireside they must bo educa- 
ted in the fear of God, and in the first principles of govenmient. 
Again : for the attainment of a true political education, in 
our public schools, the character of instruction must be guard- 
ed. Watch these, and our colleges and higher seminaries of 
learning will take care of themselves. 

In a government, like ours, of the people, from thepul)lic 
schools emanate our political hetirt's blood. They are as so 
many arteries, which bear life to the Avhole nation. They are 
a kind of net-work, Avhich catcht s the good, or the bad accord- 
ing to the materials of which they, themselves, are comi)Osed. 
A higher tone of public feeling and morals is what we most 



16 

need ; and for this the education of the masses is our hope. — 
While they remain "below par," there will always be ambi- 
tious men ready to take advantage of their condition. Those, 
who have labored so assiduously to convert our nation into a 
government of bondage, have felt the weight of this. The ig- 
iKjrance of the^^eojile was their "bliss" and their hope. Not 
long ago, a South Carolina legislator argued, that the Avorking 
classes and mechanics liad no right to an education ; that it 
made thein unhappy, and that they were better off without 
it. 

Leading those, who have arrived at years of maturity, to 
learn from their own observation and ex2)erience, to politically 
educate the rising generation in the fear of God, let the bible 
be kept in our public schools. Without the light of revelation, 
history teaches us, that men Avill not have the fear of God be- 
fore tlieir eyes. To exclude the bible from our public schools, 
some men have labored most assiduously. We have not the 
time here to discuss the constitutionality of that good old cus- 
tom of public scriptural instructions ; but would simply say, 
that eminent judges and jurists have decided on general jyt'in- 
ctples^ which, to our mind, fully establish it. 

Our public schools should, likewise, assume a more elevated 
position. We have our private institutions of learning, and 
our public academies and colleges. Here the mind may be 
develoi)ed to a comparatively high status ; here self-conscious- 
ness, free investigation, and independent thinking may be 
measurably promoted. But the privileges of such institutions 
being available to the fcAV only, they do not satisfy the wants 
of a re})ublican nation, where the mass — where numbers — how- 
ever limited their intelligence, exercise the appointing and 
controlling power. We need a broader platform; one ou 
which the poor and the ]"ich, if they please, can meet together, 
and from which all may take a wider and more liberal view of 
the tield of learnhig and of thought. We need public schools 
of such a character, that all may obtain Avhat is now called "a 
liberal education." Then m^iy we hope to have citizens, in- 
telligently, capable of exercising their individual rights ; and 
statesmen, appointed by an intelligent and reflecting people, 
who will be of enduring profit to our country, and an honor to 
our (4od, We are rejoiced to see a gradual movement towards 
this end. The time, we trust, is not far distant, when, in the 
education of the rising hopes of our nation and the church, 
men a\ ill cease to be "penny Avise and pound foolish ;" when 
all will divise liberally for the mental, tlie moral, and the poUt- 



17 

ical culture of the rising masses of our people ; and when imma- 
ture, uncultivated, and inexperienced minds will not be in- 
trusted with the trainmg of the young. Let the guardians of 
youth remember, that Uke teacher, like puj)il. 
\^ Did time permit, we might mention nuvny other means for 
promoting true political culture, but we forbear. In the fami- 
ly, in the church — for the church has too generally withheld in- 
structions on this important point — and in the school-house, 
let the mind and heart be taught to know, to feel and to follow 
the truth; then will our political pathway be "as the shining 
light, that shineth more and more unto the perfect day.'' 

The dictates of national interest should lead to endeavors 
after a true political culture ; and a loving gratitude for God's 
mercies should urge on for the attainment of such a consum- 
mation. 

Brethren, let the gratitude of personal consecration to (lod, 
in a national capacity, fill our hearts. As we go to our homes, 
and feast upon the abundance of God's bounties, let a spirit of 
praise pervade our souls. Agriculturally, our land is teeming 
with, fatness ; pecuniarly, the national credit never assumed a 
higher status ; commercially, our present prosperity should 
fiU us with wonder; nationally, the tokens of God's goodness 
are innumerable. Whom the Lord loves, he is now chasten- 
ing. By his Providence, he has brought together a union 
army, the largest upon which America has ever looked. — 
Through Providential reverses, he has eftected a perfect re-or- 
ganization of our forces. By moving upon the hearts of brave 
men, and noble women, soldier comforts and necessities have 
dropped around the camps, like the manna in the wilderness. 
Confidence in our government, we beUeve, is daily increas. 
ing. 

But the cheering song in the night is, the preservation of 
our religious privileges, and the steady advances of gospel 
principles. God has been in our cities ; God has been in the 
country ; God has been in our camps ; and God has been with 
us. Week after week, and Sabbath after Sabbath, we have 
sat under our own vine and fig-tree — we have enjoyed our 
sanctuary privileges — none to molest us, or make us afraid. 
God, in his Providences, has been afllictively with some of 
us; but, proving a very present help in every tune of need, 
he has, likewise, been preciously near with his strengthening 
grace. For all these things, in addition to the causes for 
thanks, which we mentioned in our introduction, let us praise 
God; praise Him by gratefully enjoying our thanksgiving 



bounties; and praise him by consecrating ourselves, as citizens, 
to Him first, and to our country next. Let gratitude and 
love lead us, as citizens, to strive after a higher state of politi- 
cal culture, so that intelligently, in a national capacity, we 
may be led to glorify God with all our powers. If we may, 
at all, be induced to make such endeavors, the object of this 
discourse will be accomplished; and to God's name will we 
give all the glory. 



LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 



012 026 307 9' 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




012 026 307 9 



